The learning activities and centers available within a community (e.g., libraries, literacy programs, family resource centers, museums) are also likely to change following neighborhood deconcentration and/or desegregation initiatives, as neighborhood disadvantage may be negatively associated with such resources (Catsambis and Beveridge 2001). When present, organized social and recreational activities including sports programs, art and theater programs, and community centers may foster children’s well-being. In one study of third graders from middle- and working-class neighborhoods in California, the presence of neighborhood social resources (e.g., Boy/Girl Scouts, YMCA, etc.) was negatively associated with children’s loneliness (O'Neil, Parke and McDowell 2001). Thus, these types of resources may assuage children’s social transitions into new neighborhoods. A study of high schoolers found that their self-reported counts of neighborhood resources including community centers, parks and playgrounds, transportation, job opportunities, health clinics, and counseling/social services were positively associated with the youths’ intention to complete high school (Williams et al. 2002). Contrary to expectations, one study found that family participation in recreation or sports programs was lowest for residents in moderately poor neighborhoods and highest for families residing in high-poverty neighborhoods (Rankin and Quane 2000), which has implications for the economic make-up of neighborhoods targeted by deconcentration and/or desegregation programs.
The white man’s burden translates to the fact that the Western countries that are dominated by the whites possess the obligation to rule over as well as augment the cultural development of people from diverse cultural and ethnic origins until they occupy a superior position in the world through the adoption of the western ways of life. This can be identified as a form of cultural imperialism but the white people feel that they are obligated to help the poor countries of Africa and Asia whether they are in need of the help or not owing t the fact that the western countries are rich and superior (Duiker and Spielvogel 280). Though this phenomenon has been advantageous, to some extent it has caused more harm that good. This is because the whole idea is based on the oppressive stipulations of social Darwinism. The notion of the white man’s burden is deemed racist because it is behind racism, imperialism and laissez-faire liberalism. These are the main social evils against humanity in the social, Economic and political arena. The term has been used as an excuse for the holocaust, genocide, apartheid, racism and slavery.
Neighborhood resources encompass the availability, accessibility, and quality of community schools, libraries, recreation centers, and other resources. Surprisingly, little research has explored variation in community resources by neighborhood SES and the subsequent impacts of these differences on children’s outcomes. Community child care and schools are important resources that may change following residential moves and may subsequently impact children’s and youths’ outcomes, especially school readiness and achievement. One study found that the quantity and quality of child care in poor neighborhoods was low, which implies that access to child care may be a benefit of moving out of high-poverty neighborhoods (Fuller et al. 1997). The social and economic make-up of a particular neighborhood is likely intertwined with local schools’ characteristics including quality, climate, and demographics, which has been shown to influence children’s outcomes (see Jencks and Mayer 1990).
Neighborhood effects on children’s achievement were the focus of two short-term MTO studies in Baltimore and New York City. The two studies revealed somewhat conflicted findings. Evidence from the Baltimore evaluation revealed improvements in five- to 12-year old experimental children’s achievement (relative to in-place control children) approximately three years following moves. For 13- to 18-year old experimental youth in the same study, however, increases in grade repetition and school discipline were revealed (Ludwig, Ladd and Duncan 2001). Evidence from the New York City MTO found increased achievement test scores and time spent on homework among 11- to 18-year old experimental male youth, but increases in grade repetition among six- to ten-year old experimental boys (Leventhal and Brooks-Gunn in press). Minimal educational impacts were found across all sites in the six-year interim evaluation (Orr et al. 2003).
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Another factor with the potential to impact neighborhood deconcentration and/or desegregation programs’ effects on outcomes is families’ subsequent mobility. That is, the potential benefits of an upward move may be thwarted if families who relocated to low-poverty neighborhoods later move back to high-poverty, minority neighborhoods. This did not appear to occur with Gautreaux families, as a recent article reported that the SES and racial/ethnic composition of the initial placement was similar to that of subsequent neighborhoods (DeLuca and Rosenbaum 2003). In MTO, follow-up analyses examining experimental families’ neighborhoods in 2001 revealed that of the families that actually used their housing vouchers to move to low-poverty neighborhoods, nearly 67 percent of them remained in neighborhoods with poverty rates less than 10 percent (Feins 2003). However, among all families assigned to the experimental group regardless of whether they moved, only 32 percent of these families lived in low-poverty neighborhoods. Thus, approximately six years following the implementation of MTO, a number of families assigned to the experimental group resided in higher-poverty neighborhoods. Clearly, this subsequent relocation could minimize potential program benefits on participating families.
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In terms of neighborhood characteristics, analyses revealed that experimental neighborhoods were significantly safer (Boston) and less crime-ridden (Boston) and disordered (New York City) than control neighborhoods (Katz, Kling and Liebman 2001; Leventhal and Brooks-Gunn 2003). These neighborhood improvements for experimental families were sustained over time (Orr et al. 2003).
Impacts of school desegregation on participants’ outcomes may vary according to the timing of implementation and/or the number of years children spend in an integrated versus a segregated school. Early implementation and more years in an integrated setting lead to larger and more positive linkages with outcomes. Two ambitious meta-analyses compiling research on desegregation found larger positive effects on academic achievement for children who experienced desegregation during elementary school versus high school (Crain and Mahard 1983). Furthermore, one extensive study of a desegregation effort in St. Louis, Missouri revealed that among a sample of Black high school students attending White schools for the first time, the minority students were overrepresented in the lowest academic tracks (Wells and Crain 1997). The impacts of early desegregation may be due to a smaller academic gap between the minority and majority children in younger years, as well as less fear or prejudice of minority children by Whites in elementary school relative to high school children (Scott and McPartland 1982; St. John 1975).
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The appropriate timing of such initiatives in the lives of children is crucial. Theoretically, we might expect the largest “neighborhood effects” during the adolescent years as these types of influences are expected to take precedence as children segue into adolescents (Aber et al. 1997; Leventhal and Brooks-Gunn 2000). However, the work on family poverty indicates that early, persistent poverty may be most deleterious for children in the short- and long-term compared with later or intermittent poverty (Duncan et al. 1998; Korenman, Miller and Sjaastad 1995; McLeod and Edwards 1995), which indicates that for neighborhood deconcentration programs to be most effective, they should occur early in children’s lives. In fact, the increases in property crime among experimental MTO boys and in behavior problems and delinquency among youth in the Yonkers Project (both relative to in-place controls) were strongest for older adolescents— children that spent much of their childhood in concentrated poverty. A recent study found that associations between neighborhood poverty and young adults’ behavior problems were strongest when neighborhood poverty was assessed during middle childhood compared with adolescence (Wheaton and Clarke 2003). We might suspect that the opposite would also be true— strong positive associations between early neighborhood affluence and young adults’ mental health. The work on school desegregation supports this early implementation perspective as the impacts of such school initiatives were strongest among children attending desegregated elementary schools relative to desegregated high schools.